dear sirs I didn't read the mail for a while, but now I have noticed some changes. Speaking about political movements in other countries needs, at least, to know all the facts and points of view. I think and know that all the discussion about Chilean military goverment is more an emotional pointt of view, instead of an objetive historical study. I respect personal judgment, but to state a fact you need to know more about what you are really speaking. Best regards Agustín Toro Solis de Ovando Santiago, Chile. ---------- > Dear Giles & interested parties: > > At issue is my statement that "it is possible, of course, for a people > on the defensive to become hardened and commit greater atrocities than a > people on the offensive, but McCarthy does not equal Vyshinsky and Chile > does not equal Czechoslovakia. It astonishes me that there is still a > desire to push a moral and political equivalency argument in regard to > the Cold War." > > In your response you do not challenge the McCarthy/Vyshinsky equation, > for which I am grateful, but do take issue with the Chile/Czechoslovakia > one. I must confess that your arguments on this score have caused me to > think and make me less certain of my position. I could have made a > stronger argument had I said that Chile does not equal the Baltic > Republics, where thousands of people were arrested and sent to Siberia, > or does not equal Poland, repeatedly ravaged by Soviet forces. With the > example of Cz, it is true, I was thinking of the 1968 invasion, the > tanks, the replacement of the government, etc., but also the universal > questionnaires that followed and the ironclad grip on the country by the > Soviets for the next 20 years. But maybe CIA subversion of a > democratically elected government, with a bloody coup and a military > dictatorship, does not noticeably occupy higher moral ground. > > A couple of points. I think body counts, though gruesome, are important > for measuring evil, so long as we hold individual life to be valuable. > But perhaps a distinction should be made between evil absolutely and > evil historically. Charles Manson is probably as evil as Hitler in the > absolute sense, but historically he doesn't count. Stalin and Hitler > probably stand even in the absolute sense, but Stalin dwarfed Hitler's > evil acts. So duration of evil, body counts, etc. help us to judge > historical phenomena. > > Another criterion is whether an act is consistent policy or an > aberration. The argument used to be made that Stalin was an aberration > of Leninism, just as Stalinists used to argue that Beria, not Stalin, > was responsible for atrocities. I think the Bolshevik state showed a > marked consistency, so that the invasion of Cz was consistent with its > nature, not an aberration. I would hope that the CIA destabilization of > Chile would be considered an aberration of US policy, but I cannot be > sure of it. > > Clearly it was not a defensive act, though it came from a defensive > mentality. Enemies become like each other, as we all know. Perhaps it > was feared that Chile would become a base for subversion, propaganda, > terrorism, but that does not justify a coup. I do not want to offer up > excuses for the overthrow of Allende. If I had lost a friend there I > certainly would not take a broad, impersonal view. I would be enraged > and focused on the evil that occurred. > > But insofar as I can step back and be impersonal, I think that, despite > evils on both sides, there was no real moral equivalency: the Soviet > Union was indeed the Evil Empire. And because I think the burden of > good was with the USA, though its hat may not have been pure white, I am > dismayed by its subsequent development--the unchecked megacorporation > world of idiotic entertainments and consumerism--after the fall of the > Soviet Union. > > Perhaps there is an application of Jünger to one or another point? > > GK >
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